Hong Kong Trade Union Facing Existential Threat

3 mins read
Hong Kong Trade Union at Hong Kong Protest on Jan 1 2020

The fast shrinking civil society space has left Hong Kong’s independent trade union movement facing an existential threat. Amid the rapidly changing political landscape, no one can accurately determine the future prospect of the city’s labour movement.

Trade unions are facing serious brain drain, like other civil society organisations, given the increasing political and legal risks to do their job in Hong Kong.

After the HKCTU’s disbandment in October 2021, nearly 20 union organisers were laid off. Less than half of them continue to work in labour organisations. Four have taken up jobs in other sectors, and at least five have fled Hong Kong. The rest chose to take a temporary break.

Those who opted to continue working in trade unions are experiencing intense psychological pressure. After a new wave of attacks against the HKCTU by the CCP’s propaganda apparatus in April 2022, one of them resigned, saying “just want to stay away from the storm”. For many people working in trade unions and other civil society organisations, the first thing to do every morning is to read the front-page stories of Wen Wei Po and Ta Kung Pao to see whether their organisations are on the CCP’s hit list. These stories are just the CCP covering up its own mistakes and looking for a scapegoat, one union organiser says, “we would just laugh it off in the past, but now there could be real consequences.”

Many union organisers suffer from mental health problems. HKCTU former chairperson Joe Wong revealed that he suffered from post-traumatic stress disorder after the confederation’s dissolution. He said, “I suffered from recurrent, unwanted distressing memories of HKCTU’s disbandment, as well as insomnia, anxiety, overeating and self-blame … Knowing that there are still many people and organisations persisting, I tell myself I must pick myself up and not stay in the whirlpool of self-pity forever”.

Some other trade union staff have also reportedly suffered from depression, anxiety, insomnia, emptiness, frustration, tiredness, and feelings of guilt because of increasing political pressure, or having friends or colleagues jailed for civil society activities or fleeing amid the city’s worsening environments. This phenomenon is also common in other civil society organisations

Union organisers have also tried every effort to hide from Big Brother’s watchful eyes. For instance, organisers have to think twice before issuing a joint statement, which is regarded as the most moderate collective action. Other riskier activities such as organising, and empowerment work will most probably be avoided.

On 1 July 2021, the police asked the HKCTU to put away a banner that read “livelihood is politics, grassroots want justice”, accusing them of using an inciting slogan that amounted to “hatred towards the government”. One will not wonder if the popular slogan “collusion between the government and business” disappears.

In the past, unions could solicit donations from participants in annual pro-democracy public processions such as the Tiananmen Commemoration Vigil and 1 July Rally without permits, and the police usually did not intervene. However, the government has strengthened its law enforcement after the promulgation of the NSL. Four members of the League of Social Democrats, a pro-democracy political party, were recently convicted of unauthorised fundraising under the Summary Offences Ordinance.

Apart from amending the tax code for charitable organisations to include the national security requirement, the government also tightened the regulation on public fundraising activities. The government enacted a new permit system in early 2022, under which only charitable organisations with a credible track record are eligible to conduct face-to-face solicitation. Without proper checks and balances, these fundraising regulations could be weaponized to discipline civil society organisations.

Funding from foreign or international organisations have become taboo for the city’s civil society organisations. The reaction is not over-sensitive as the police can use receiving foreign fundings as a pretext to conduct covert surveillance on organisations and their members, and even raid their premises, seize documents and arrest and detain their leaders.

In the case of Hong Kong Alliance’s refusal to provide information the prosecution declined to disclose which foreign organisations or countries the Alliance was allegedly working for, citing public interest immunity. This will certainly open the door for the police to put a blank label of foreign agent to anybody without having evidence to back the claim up. A High Court judge refused to grant bail to Claudia Mo, a journalist-turned-politician who was arrested for taking part in the unofficial primaries, as she considered Mo’s WhatsApp chats with foreign correspondents an indication of a potential threat to national security.

 

香港工運的存亡挑戰

9 mins read
Hong Kong Trade Union at Hong Kong Protest on Jan 1 2020

公民社會空間迅速收窄,令香港的獨立工會運動面臨生死存亡的威脅。在瞬息萬變的政治格局中,沒有人可以準確判斷香港勞工運動的前景。下文將會扼要討論在可見未來,香港獨立工會面臨的挑戰。

在越來越高的政治和法律風險下,不少公民社會組織都面對人才流失的問題,工會也不例外。職工盟在2021年10月正式解散,即時遣散了接近二十名工會組織者。他們當中只有少於一半繼續留在勞工組織工作。有四人轉到其他行業任職,另有最少五人已離開香港,餘下的選擇暫時休息。

選擇繼續在工會工作的組織者,正承受著巨大的心理壓力。中共宣傳機器在2022 年 4 月發動對職工盟的新一輪攻擊後,其中一人提出辭職,稱「只想遠離風暴」。對於很多在工會和其他民間組織工作的人來說,每天早上要做的第一件事,就是閱讀《文匯報》和《大公報》的頭版新聞,看看他們的組織是否在中共的黑名單上。這些報導只是中共為掩蓋自己錯誤、尋找代罪羔羊而編織出來的故事,一位工會組織者說:「過去我們只會一笑置之,但現在是可能會有真正的後果」。

許多工會組織者都面對心理健康問題。職工盟前主席黃迺元透露,在該會解散後,他患上創傷後遺症,經常不由自主地想起職工盟解散的痛苦回憶,並且患上失眠、焦慮、暴飲暴食和自責。但他補充:「當知道還有很多人和組織正在堅持,我告訴自己一定要振作起來,不要永遠停留在自怨自艾的漩渦裡」。據了解,一些工會工作者也因為日益增加的政治壓力、或有朋友或同事因社會運動而入獄或離開香港,而感到抑鬱、焦慮、失眠、空虛、沮喪、疲倦和內疚。這種現象在其他民間社會組織中也很常見。

另一方面,也有工會反映,它們招收和挽留會員面對極大挑戰,這不僅是因為它們失去了職工盟的招募渠道,還因為工人覺得加入工會風險太大,或認為在當前環境下已無可作為。有些工會甚至因為沒有人願意擔任理事,而需要停止運作。

過去幾十年,香港的工會在相對自由和安全的環境中運作。然而,嚴苛的《國安法》令香港的政治、法律和社會格局,出現了翻天覆地的變化。進入了未知的領域,工會亦選擇謹慎行事。

多個曾積極參與2019年民主運動和反對《國安法》的工會,選擇在2020年7月之後保持沉默。其他繼續就勞工議題發聲的工會,則刻意地使用較平和的語氣,以避免被指控觸犯煽動罪。2021年7月1日,警方要求職工盟收起寫上「民生即政治、基層要公義」的橫額,指稱口號具有煽動仇恨政府的含意 。不難預見,「官商勾結」這句以往常見的口號,將會在公共領域中消失。

工會組織者也千方百計躲避「老大哥」的注視。例如,組織者在發表計劃與其他工會或組織發表聯合聲明之前,也需要三思而後行。聯合聲明已是最溫和的集體行動,其他風險較高的活動,例如組織和充權工作,很可能會盡量避免。半官方智庫全國港澳研究會副會長劉兆佳指,如果小型團體不再從事「反中亂港」活動,北京是可以接受 。然而,中共不斷移動「紅線」,以滿足其當前的政治需要,這種保證是毫無意義。沒有人可以擔保,今天被允許的行為,將來也會被接受。

除少數工會外,香港的獨立工會規模一般較小,不能僅靠工會會費支持運作。除了職工盟的支援外,工會過往主要依賴四個資金來源,即公眾籌款、與本地非政府組織(NGO)合作項目、申請政府資助,以及來自外國和國際組織的資助項目。《國安法》和政府的全方位措施,令工會難以再獲得這些資源。

以往,工會經常在無需許可證的情況下,在大型遊行或集會場地向公眾募捐,例如每年的七一遊行和六四晚會,而警方通常都不會干預。可是,《國安法》頒布後,政府加強了執法力度。民主派政黨社會民主連線的四名成員,最近被判觸犯《簡易程序治罪條例》下的未經批准籌款罪名成立。除了修訂慈善機構的稅務指南以納入國家安全要求外,政府還加強對公眾籌款活動的監管。政府在2022年初頒布新的許可制度,規定只有具備良好記錄的慈善組織,才符合資格在公眾地方公開籌款。在沒有適當的制衡下,政府可以將這些籌款規定武器化,以約束民間社會組織。

本地較具規模的NGOs也是工會的財政來源之一。過去十多年,職工盟及其屬會不時與NGOs合作倡議勞工政策,例如爭取法定最低工資和立法規管工作時數。這類夥伴關係安排可說是互惠互利的,一方面工會可以獲得資源開展活動,另一方面資助者亦可以通過工會的基層聯繫採取自下而上的倡議策略。由於財政充裕的NGOs也面臨修訂後的慈善機構稅務指南的巨大壓力,這種合作很可能會因為職工盟屬會的政治敏感性而受到抑制。

工會亦可以從政府和法定機構,例如職業安全健康局和平等機會委員會,推出的一系列計劃中申請資助。然而,政府暗示它可能會審查受公帑資助的人士和機構。公務員事務局局長聶德權透露,政府正在研究資助機構以及申請政府資助的人士,是否必須宣誓效忠。這個荒謬的建議最終會否實施仍是未知之數,但獨立工會已有心理準備,它們會因為政治理由而被拒之門外。

來自外國或國際組織的資金,已成為香港民間社會組織的禁忌。這個反應並非過分敏感,因為警方可以接受外國資助為藉口,對這些組織及其成員進行秘密監視,甚至搜查其處所、扣押文件,以及逮捕和拘留其領導層。在支聯會未有提供資料一案中,控方以公共利益豁免為由,拒絕披露警方指控支聯會是哪些外國組織或國家的代理人。這肯定會為警方打開大門,可以毋須提出任何證據,向任何人貼上外國代理人的空白標籤。高等法院一名法官,拒絕批准因參與初選而被捕的毛孟靜保釋([2021] HKCFI 1435),理由是毛孟靜與外國記者的 WhatsApp 對話,表明其對國家安全有潛在的威脅。