Hong Kong Independent Labour Movement (1990 to 2021)

10 mins read

Foreword

In the past 30 years, the independent labour movement and the people of Hong Kong have witnessed many changes. The events described here, from 1990 to the present, epitomise some of the highs and lows of the development of the independent labour movement in Hong Kong and they reflect the sacrifices and efforts of countless workers and organisers.

“The struggle of man against power is the struggle of memory against forgetting.” 

– Milan Kundera

Oppression by the regime cannot erase our beliefs. In today’s Hong Kong, although more than 100 trade unions have been forced to dissolve under political pressure, the independent labour movement is undeterred. There will be newcomers on this unfinished journey. Remembering the history of the labour movement and preserving the memories of these struggles, is a struggle in itself.

HK Independent Labour Movement: 1993 | 1995 | 1997 | 1998 | 2003 | 2005 | 2007 | 2008 | 2010 | 2011 | 2013 | 2014 | 2017 | 2019 | 2020 | 2021

1993 | The “Beautiful” Strike

Three Cathay Pacific flight attendants were dismissed for their involvement in initiating industrial action. The Cathay Pacific Flight Attendant Union launched a strike on 13 January 1993 and put forward three demands: reinstate dismissed workers, increase manpower, and improve working conditions. During the strike, the union mobilised more than 1,000 members to camp out overnight at the then-Hong Kong governor’s house.

In an unusual effort, the legislative council intervened to establish an investigation committee on the incident to break the deadlock between the union and the management. The dispute ended after 16 days. As most of the strikers were flight attendants, the strike was dubbed as “The Beautiful Strike” by the public.

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1995 | Labour Movement in the Rose Garden

The Airport Core Programme, commonly known as the Rose Garden Project, was a series of infrastructure projects centred on the new Hong Kong airport that had been initiated by the colonial government before 1997. However, the rosiness of the grandiose project was built at the expense of workers’ sweat and blood. The government imported a large number of migrant workers for the construction but did not regulate their treatment. Three hundred migrant workers from Fujian first took action when more than half of their wages were deducted monthly by their labour agencies. The labour dispute subsequently spread to migrant workers from the Philippines and Thailand, involving more than 3,000 people.

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1995 | Parliamentary Front to make labour law reforms

Chris Patten, Hong Kong’s last governor under the British colonial government, introduced an electoral reform that greatly expanded the voter base of the original functional constituencies and eventually led to the pro-democratic camp winning a historic majority of seats. The HKCTU joined with other pro-labour pro-democracy lawmakers to force the government to make several labour law amendments, including an increase in maternity and sick leave pay from two-thirds to four-fifths of the normal salary, and introduced the provisions of unreasonable dismissal into the Employment Ordinance.

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1997 | Abolition of the Collective Bargaining Legislation

On the eve of the handover of sovereignty, the General Secretary of the HKCTU, Lee Cheuk-yan, submitted a bill on the right to collective bargaining in Legco in the form of a private bill, which was successfully passed. However, it was subsequently suspended and later abolished by the HKSAR government before the law could come into effect. The pro-government trade union, the Hong Kong Federations of Trade Unions, even cast their vote in the Provisional Legislation Council that sold out workers’ rights. In protest, Lee went on a 120-hour hunger strike and the HKCTU lodged a complaint with the International Labour Organization.

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1998 | Labour Disputes Triggered by the Asian Financial Crisis

In response to the Asian financial crisis, many corporations devised plans to lay off staff and reduce wages and benefits, which triggered a large number of labour disputes. For example, Hong Kong Telecom proposed a 10% wage cut for its employees after making a profit of over HKD 10 billion. The trade union mobilised 3,000 employees to hold a rally, forcing the employer to withdraw the plan. Meanwhile, Hong Kong Aircraft Engineering Company Limited reduced the wages of their employees four times in one year; the workers refused to succumb and went on strike for three days.

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2003 | Opposition to Article 23 Legislation

When the government attempted to force through the legislation of Article 23, trade unions worried that the right to organise trade unions and industrial action would be suppressed by the authorities on the grounds of national security. Other sections of society also raised concerns that the legislation would weaken the rule of law, freedom, and civil rights. On 1 July 2003, 500,000 people took to the streets to oppose the Article 23 legislation. In addition to mobilising members to participate in the rally, the HKCTU also sent a large number of volunteers to support the picketing. The collective power of the Hong Kong people succeeded in forcing the government to withdraw the legislation.

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2005 | Protest against the World Trade Organization (WTO)

The WTO Ministerial Conference held in Hong Kong attracted anti-globalisation protesters from around the world, including more than a thousand Korean farmers, to protest against the impact of the WTO on their livelihoods. Along with other civil society organisations, the HKCTU formed the “Hong Kong People’s Alliance on the WTO” to play the role of coordinating protests in Hong Kong. Many demonstrators clashed with the police as they approached the venue, resulting in hundreds of arrests. The protests successfully prevented the WTO from reaching a new agreement and offered Hong Kong people a valuable lesson in understanding globalisation.

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2005 | British Airways and Waihong Environmental Services Limited Convicted of Discriminating Against Unions

British Airways Hong Kong Cabin Crews Union Chairperson, Carol Ng, was accused by the company of violating the employee code of conduct due to an interview with the media and was issued a warning letter. Dismayed by the company’s suppression of union rights, Ng later reported to the Labour Department that the employer discriminated against the union and took the case to court. British Airways pleaded guilty to the charges and was fined by the court, making this the first case of discrimination against a trade union in Hong Kong. In the same year, Waihong Environmental Services retaliated against employees for demanding holiday pay and dismissed four workers who sought union assistance. After a court trial, the company was found to have discriminated against the union and was fined HKD 230,000.

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2007 | Bar Benders Strike

Bar benders in Hong Kong went on strike for 36 days after suffering from years of wage cuts and stagnation, even though the economy had recovered from an earlier recession. At its peak, more than 1,000 workers participated in the strike. Donations to the strike fund that supported the striking workers poured in from all walks of life. After the strike, the HKCTU assisted the workers in setting up the Bar Bending Industry Workers Solidarity Union and successfully brought the Chamber of Commerce to the negotiation table for salary talks every year, which significantly improved working conditions and benefits.

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2008|Vitasoy, Watsons, Nestlé Strikes

In the summer of 2008, dissatisfied with the management’s long-term suppression of wages and commission income, transportation workers of the above beverage companies went on one strike after another. First, 200 Vitasoy employees went on strike and successfully attained a 4% salary increase; subsequently, 400 Watsons employees and 200 Nestlé employees also launched industrial action, and the employers agreed to raise their wages by 5% and 8% respectively. After the strike, the workers of the three companies set up trade unions to continue to strive for fair treatment in the workplace.

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2010 | Café de Carol Boycott

On the eve before the introduction of the first statutory minimum wage, the fast-food chain Café de Carol suddenly announced that the company would withdraw its employees’ mealtime wages. The move was seen as abusing a legal grey area to offset additional payroll expenses that would have to be paid for the minimum wage. Café de Carol Chairman, Michael Chan Yue Kwong, who was also a member of the Interim Minimum Wage Committee at the time, roused citywide anger by taking the lead in evading the employer’s responsibilities. Thus, the Catering and Hotel Industries Employees General Union launched a citywide boycott of Café de Coral, forcing the company to make concessions before the day of action and announcing that employees would retain their mealtime wages.

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2011 | Minimum Wage Legislation

Together with other grassroots trade unions, labour, and civil society organisations, the HKCTU launched wave after wave of struggles to fight for wage increases in low-paid jobs including government outsourcing posts, universities, subsidised agencies, and other low-wage industries. The campaign gathered strength with every hard-fought victory. After 12 years of struggle, citywide statutory minimum wage legislation was finally enacted, marking the most important labour law reform after the handover of sovereignty, with more than 300,000 grassroots workers receiving wage increases. However, subsequent adjustments in minimum wage levels have been lagging, resulting in a rapid decline in the number of beneficiaries.

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2013 | Dockers Strike

Faced with long-standing inhumane working conditions, low wages, and long working hours, the outsourced dockers at the Kwai Chung Container Terminal could stand no more and went on strike. The Union of Hong Kong Dockers set up tents outside the container terminal and the workers stayed behind for days and nights, joined by an endless stream of supporters and forming a spectacular community at the terminal. The strike later moved to the Cheung Kong Centre in Central , Hong Kong, putting pressure on the conglomerate behind the scenes to respond to the workers’ demands directly. During the strike, the trade union set up a strike fund and the public responded enthusiastically, raising HKD 8.9 million within a month to support the strikers’ livelihood. The strike lasted for 40 days and finally achieved a 9.8% pay rise and improved working conditions.

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2014 | The Umbrella Movement

On 28 September 2014, tens of thousands of Hong Kong people went to the government headquarters to participate in the protest against the National People’s Congress’ “831 Decision” that stifled genuine universal suffrage in Hong Kong. Police cracked down on the protest with 87 tear gas canisters. The HKCTU immediately launched a political strike in protest, which was supported by trade union professionals such as teachers, social workers, beverage workers, and dock workers. The HKCTU and other civil society organisations provided various forms of support during the 79-day occupation movement and actively called on the international labour movement to support the democratic struggle in Hong Kong, eventually gaining support from trade unions and global union federations from more than 30 different countries and regions.

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2017 | Hoi Lai Estate Cleaners Strike

Cleaners from the public housing estate, Hoi Lai Estate, went on strike to protest against their employers (subcontracted by the government) and forced them to sign “voluntary resignation letters” when they finished their contracts to avoid severance pay. The incident revealed that the government lacked supervision over subcontractors, allowing outgoing and incoming subcontractors to conspire to defraud workers, resulting in the termination of workers’ accumulated service years. The Cleaning Service Industry Workers Union and local district councillors fought alongside the workers in a ten-day strike, forcing the Housing Authority to intervene and finally help the workers recover their rightful remuneration. The dispute triggered a wave of labour unrest among fellow cleaning workers in other public housing estates, forcing the government to introduce a contract-end bonus and revise salaries pegged to its outsourcing policy.

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2019 | Anti-Extradition Bill Movement

The government’s forcible attempt to amend the extradition bill triggered a months-long social movement that was galvanised by the pursuit of five demands as a common goal. On 5 August 2019, as many as 350,000 workers participated in a political strike that inspired many workers to form their own trade unions in an attempt to sustain the political struggle, effectively setting off a “new trade union movement”.

During the Anti-Extradition Bill Movement, different professional groups such as teachers, medical professionals, financial workers, civil aviation workers, and civil servants organised sectoral assemblies to show solidarity. Later, some workers spontaneously established the “Two Million Three Strikes United Front” to unite trade unions in all walks of life to prepare for a political strike with greater influence in the long run.

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2020 | Medical Workers Strike

In the early days of the COVID-19 outbreak, government officials ignored the threat to the healthcare system and public health posed by the spread of the virus in the community and refused to close the border. After repeated requests to no avail, the Hospital Authority Employee Alliance launched a five-day strike in two phases, demanding border closure to seal off the source of the virus and dialogue with the then Chief Executive of Hong Kong, Carrie Lam. As many as 8,000 medical workers participated in the strike, which was the largest medical workers’ strike in the history of the Hong Kong labour movement. Although the demands were not fully met, they nonetheless forced the government to close some high-risk borders and introduce quarantine measures.

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2020 | The Promulgation of the Hong Kong National Security Law

Read more in our report: Hong Kong Trade Union Movement Under The National Security Law

In the face of the promulgation of the National Security Law, more than 20 trade unions launched a membership referendum. The results showed that the vast majority of people opposed the introduction of the National Security Law in Hong Kong, but the number of votes was not enough to initiate a united workers’ strike.

After the implementation of the National Security Law, the authorities carried out large-scale persecution of civil society activists, including at least eight trade union leaders among those arrested. Five members of the General Union of Hong Kong Speech Therapists were sentenced to 19 months in prison for publishing children’s picture books on charges of sedition. Under imminent political risks, more than 100 trade unions were forced to dissolve, including the largest sectoral trade union in Hong Kong, the Hong Kong Professional Teachers Union, and the only independent trade union confederation in Hong Kong, the Hong Kong Confederation of Trade Unions.

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The regime can destroy an organisation, but it cannot destroy the beliefs and values an organisation represented.

Read more: History will Remember HKCTU’s Legacy

The fight is not over.

Despite the unprecedented suppression, Hong Kong’s courageous labour activists are still standing up for their rights.

2021 | Swire Coca-Cola, Foodpanda Strike

Despite the increasing political control, the exploited workers are not giving up their resistance and labour disputes are never-ending: more than 30 Swire Coca-Cola workers went on strike to oppose the company’s restructuring and pay cuts; dozens of construction workers blocked the entrances of the construction site to protest the contractor’s arrears of wages, and about 300 Foodpanda delivery workers launched a strike against unreasonable treatment, successfully paralysing the operation of the company’s department store shopping platform Pandamart.

  • Coca-Cola workers staged a strike against pay cuts in Hong Kong in 2021
  • riders of Foodpanda staged a 2-day strike in 2021

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This is an unfinished journey.

The seeds of workers’ resistance have been sown deep and wide. There will be newcomers, its successors to carry on this unfinished journey and accomplish the cause of the labour movement.

An illustration from HKCTU Solidarity Post June 2021 titled: “The fight is not over. Hongkongers, lest we forget.”

香港自主工運大事記(1990-2021)

14 mins read

前言

過去30年,自主工運與香港人風雨同路,見證了不少時代變遷。以下展示了部份由1990年代至今的工運事件,反映了香港自主工運發展的起伏跌落,當中結集了無數工人和組織者的犧牲和努力。 

「人類與極權鬥爭,就是記憶與遺忘的鬥爭。」 

– 米蘭昆德拉

政權的逼迫不能消除我們的信念。在今天的香港,雖然過百個工會在政治陰霾下被迫解散,但香港自主工運未完。未走完的路,必有後來者。記住這些工運歷史,好好保存這些抗爭記憶,本身就是一場抗爭。

香港自主工運大事紀: 1993 | 1995 | 1997 | 1998 | 2003 | 2005 | 2007 | 2008 | 2010 | 2011 | 2013 | 2014 | 2017 | 2019 | 2020 | 2021

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1995玫瑰園外勞工潮

港英政府於九七前興建赤鱲角新機場,表面富麗堂皇的玫瑰園計劃,卻是建築於工人血汗之上。政府為興建新機場輸入大量外勞,但未有監管他們的待遇。最先遭揭發的是,300名福建外勞遭中介勞務公司剝削,每月逾半工資被尅扣,及後工潮更蔓延至菲律賓、泰國籍機場外勞,涉及人數逾3000人。

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1995議會戰線修改勞工法例

港督彭定康引入新九組選舉,大幅擴大原功能組別的選民基礎,使民主派歷史性地獲得過半數議席。職工盟連同親勞工的民主派議員當選後,即提出一系列勞工法例改革,並表明會以私人法案方式推動立法,迫使政府同意將病假及產假薪酬由三份二增加至五份四,並在法例中新增「不合理及不合法解僱」的保障條款。

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1997抗議集體談判權廢法

主權移交前夕,時任立法局議員職工盟秘書長李卓人,以私人法案提出《僱員代表權、諮詢權及集體談判權》條例草案,破天荒地獲得通過成為法例。可惜特區政府上台後,旋即將法例凍結,及後更交由不民主的臨時立法會將之廢除。當議決法例廢除時,親政府的工聯會在席議員有份投下出賣工人的一票。李卓人為表不滿,發起了120小時絕食抗議,職工盟亦就此向國際勞工組織作出投訴。

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1998亞洲金融風暴觸發大量工潮

受到亞洲金融風暴衝撃,企業財團肆意推出裁員、減薪及削福利的方案,將經濟危機轉嫁工人,觸發大量勞資糾紛。例如香港電訊在盈利過百億元之下,提出員工減薪一成,工會發動3000員工舉行集會,迫使資方撤回方案;香港飛機工程公司更是一年內減薪四次,員工不甘受壓,罷工三日進行抗爭。

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2003反對廿三條立法

政府強推廿三條立法,工會組織擔憂法例一旦實施,組織工會權利和工業行動將會被當局以國安為由打壓。不同界別亦紛紛提出法例可能削弱法治、自由和公民權利的擔憂,7月1 日50萬人上街反對廿三條立法。職工盟除動員會員參與,亦派出大量義工支援糾察工作。香港人成功以浩瀚的人民力量,迫使政府撤回立法。

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2005抗議世貿

世貿部長級會議在香港舉行,吸引了來自全球各地的反全球化示威者雲集香港,包括逾千韓農,抗議世貿協議影響他們的生計。職工盟與民間團體組成「民間監察世貿聯盟」,擔當統籌在港抗議活動的角色,期間大批示威者為接近會場與警方爆發衝突,並導致數百人被捕。是次抗爭成功阻止世貿達成新的協議,亦令香港人認識全球化問題上了寶貴一課。

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2005|英航、惠康清潔歧視工會罪成

英航機艙服務員工會主席吳敏兒因接受傳媒訪問,被公司指違反員工守則,並向其發出警告信。吳不滿公司壓制工會言論,向勞工處舉報資方歧視工會,並告上法庭。英航在法庭開審前,承認控罪及遭法庭罰款,成為香港首宗歧視工會罪成案例。同年,惠康清潔公司報復員工追討假期薪酬,解僱了四名尋求工會協助的職工,在法庭經審訊後被裁定歧視工會,被判罰款23萬元。

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2007|紮鐵工人大罷工

紮鐵工人不滿薪金連年大幅下跌,至經濟復甦後仍未見改善,發動了持續36天的罷工。罷工高峰期逾千名工人參加,期間獲各界捐款支持罷工基金,向工人發放津貼解燃眉之急。罷工過後,職工盟協助工人成立「紮鐵業團結工會」,以後每年均與商會就薪酬進行談判,令工作條件及待遇獲得明顯改善。

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2008|維他奶、屈臣氏、雀巢工潮

三間知名飲品牌子的運輸工人不滿資方長期壓抑工資及佣金收入,於當年夏天接連發動罷工。最先是200名維他奶員工成功以罷工爭取加薪4%,繼而400名屈臣氏員工及200名雀巢員工亦發起工業行動,分別獲資方答應加薪5%至8%。罷工過後,三間公司工人各自成立了工會,繼續在職場爭取合理待遇。

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2010|杯葛大家樂

最低工資法例實施前夕,連鎖快餐集團大家樂突然扣減員工的飯鐘錢,此舉被視為利用法律灰色地帶,抵消最低工資需要支付的額外薪金開支。大家樂主席陳裕光當時更身為臨時最低工資委員會成員,竟然帶頭逃避僱主責任,激起全城憤怒。飲食及酒店業職工總會於是發起全城杯葛日,結果在行動日前大家樂讓步,宣佈保留員工「飯鐘錢」。

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2011|最低工資立法

經歷長達12年的爭取,最低工資終於成功立法,是主權移交以後最重要的勞工法例改革。在這段期間,職工盟聯同眾多基層工會及民間團體,由政府外判、大學、資助機構到快餐集團,一步一腳印,爭取改善各個機構的基層工資水平。最低工資立法後,逾30萬基層工人獲加薪,但其後水平調整卻嚴重滯後,令受惠人數不斷萎縮。

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2013|碼頭工潮

碼頭外判工人長期受到資方剝削,面對低薪、長工時及惡劣工作環境,終於忍無可忍發動罷工。碼頭業職工會於葵涌貨櫃碼頭外搭建帳篷,工人連日通宵留守,聲援者絡繹不絕,形成一條壯觀的碼頭村。及後罷工移師至中環長江中心,直接要求背後大老闆回應工人訴求。罷工期間工會成立罷工基金,市民反應熱烈,一個月內籌得890萬元,以支持工人生計。罷工最後持續40天,終於取得加薪9.8%及改善工作環境的成果。

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2014|雨傘運動

人大通過「831決定」扼殺香港真普選,觸發9月28日數萬市民前往金鐘政府總部參與抗爭行動,卻遭警方施放87枚催淚彈鎮壓。職工盟晚上緊急通過發動政治罷工抗議,包括來自教師、社工、飲品工人、碼頭工人等不同行業的工會響應。佔領運動持續79日,期間職工盟與其他民間團體投入各項支援,並積極連結國際工運支持香港民主抗爭,獲得來自30多個不同地區工會及國際工會的聲援。

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2017|海麗邨清潔工罷工

海麗邨外判清潔工人發動罷工,抗議外判商為逃避遣散費,迫使員工在完約時簽署「自願離職信」。事件揭發政府對外判商缺乏監管,新舊外判商合謀欺騙工人,令員工的服務年資付諸流水。清潔服務業職工會聯同當區區議員協助員工罷工十天,並向房委會施壓要求介入,終於取回應得血汗錢。是次工潮激勵其他多條屋邨工人起來抗爭,迫使政府同意修改外判政策,引入約滿酬金制度及修改工資計分制。

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2019|反修例運動

政府強推引渡逃犯條例修訂,觸發持續多月波蘭壯闊的反修例運動,並以爭取五大訴求作為共同目標。8月5日多達35萬人參與政治罷工,來自不同職業的工人經歷了政治覺醒,其後更紛紛組織工會進行持久抗爭,掀起了一場「新工會運動」。運動期間教師、醫護、金融、航空、公務員等不同職業群體,均曾發起行業集會作聲援。及後有市民自發成立「二百萬三罷聯合陣線」,目標是聯合各行各業的工會力量,為長遠發動影響力更大的政治罷工作準備。

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2020|醫護罷工救港

新冠肺炎疫情爆發初期,政府官員怠於防疫,拒絕封關,無視病毒於社區散播對於醫療體系及人命安全帶來的威脅。經過多次反映不果,醫管局員工陣線發動分兩階段一連五天的罷工,要求與時任特首林鄭月娥對話,並立即全面封關堵截病毒來源。是次罷工多達8000名醫護參與,為香港工運史上最大規模醫護罷工,雖然訴求未竟全功,亦迫使政府封鎖部份高危關口及引入檢疫措施。

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2020|國安法實施

了解更多:《國安法下的香港工會運動》

面臨國安法實施,20多個工會聯合發起會員公投,結果顯示絕大部份人反對引入港區國安法,但投票人數不足通過最低門檻,未能發起聯合罷工。國安法實施後,政權大舉清算公民社會異見人士,被捕者當中包括最少八名工運人士。其中五名香港言語治療師總工會成員,因出版羊村繪本被控煽動罪,遭法庭判囚19個月。在政治威脅下,逾百工會被迫解散,包括全港最大工會「香港教育專業人員協會」,以及香港唯一獨立工會聯盟「香港職工會聯盟」。

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政權可以消滅一個組織,
卻消滅不了這個組織所代表的信念。

繼續閱讀:歷史會記住 — 職工盟留給我們的

獨立工運
抗爭未止

雖然面對如此嚴厲的打撃,但香港工人未有停止組織抗爭,他們需要我們的關注,需要國際社會更多的聲援。

2021|太古可樂、Foodpanda 罷工

縱使政治控制日益嚴厲,被剝削的工人仍然沒有放棄抗爭,工潮事件始起彼伏:30多名太古可口可樂工人發動罷工,反對公司改制及減薪;數十名 建築工人堵塞地盤出入口,抗議承建商拖欠薪金;約 300 名 Foodpanda 送遞員發起罷工,反對不合理對待,成功令旗下的生活百貨購物平台 Pandamart 陷入癱瘓。

  • Coca-Cola workers staged a strike against pay cuts in Hong Kong in 2021
  • riders of Foodpanda staged a 2-day strike in 2021

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這是一條
未走完的路。

工人抗爭的種子已在社會散播,在這條路上,未來必有後來者,繼續這未完成的工運事業。

職工盟《工盟團結報》2022年6月號插畫。